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Mike Rounds (born 24 October 1954 in Huron, South Dakota), American politician elected to the U.S. senate in 2014 as a Republican and began to represent South Dakota the following year, with the surname of Marion Michael Rounds. He served previously as State Governor (2003–11).
Rounds, the oldest of 11 children, was named after an uncle who perished during the Second World War. After graduating with a degree in Political Science from South Dakota State University (B.S., 1977), he worked in insurance and immovables. He married Jean Vedvei at this time, and the pair had four children subsequently.
Rounds began politics in 1990 with South Dakota Senate successfully representing District 24 which comprised Pierre, State’s capital. The following year he took office, serving as a minority whip (1993–94) and subsequently as leader in the majority (1995–2000). Limited by law to four terms, he resigned the Senate in 2000 and ran for the governor two years later. Rounds comfortably defeated and came to office his Democratic opponent in 2003. In 2006, he was re-elected. He attempted to strengthen the state’s higher education system as governor and, for this purpose, supervised the development of new research facilities and PhD programmes. Rounds, a Roman Catholic, also signed legislation prohibiting all abortions in South Dakota, with the exception of cases in which the life of the pregnant woman was endangered. The controversial law was subsequently abolished by a referendum.
A year after he became governor, Rounds declared in 2012 that he would run for a seat in the United States Senate. Although he was accused of wrongdoing while serving as governor—his administration was investigated for misappropriations and bribery involving an investment programme for immigrants—he won the general election in 2014 and took office the next year.
Senate of the United States, one of the two houses of the US Congress, created under the Constitution in 1789.Around one-third of the membership of the Senate expires every two years, earning the room the so-called ‘house which never dies.’
The Founding Fathers conceived the job of the Senate as a test of the popularly elected House of Representatives. Each state is thereby equally represented, irrespective of the size or population.
Under the provisions of ‘advice and consent’ (Article II, section 2) of the Constitution, the Senate is given significant power: ratification requires a two-thirds majority of all Senators present and a simple majority for the approval of important public appointments, such as cabinet members, ambassadors and judges of the Supreme Court. The Senate also adjudicates the process of impeachment launched at the House of Representatives, which requires a two thirds majority to be condemned.
As in the House of Representatives, the procedure and organisation dominate the political parties and the committee system. Each party elects a leader, who is generally an influential senator in his right to organise the actions of the Senate. The leader of the main party is known as the leader of the majority while the leader of the opposition is known as the leader of the minority. The leaders of the Senate also have an essential role to play in the appointment of Senate committee members to evaluate and process legislation and to exercise general control over government agencies and departments. The Vice-President of the United States is Senate President, but can only vote if a tie exists. The President pro tempore, often the longest serving member of the majority party, is the presiding officer of the Senate in the absence of the Vice President.
Seventeen standing committees are primarily centred around significant policy topics with staff, budgets and several subcommittees. Thousands of amendments are referred to the committees at every Congress, while only a portion of the bills are taken up by the committees. The last language of a law is considered in “mark-up” sessions, which may be open or closed. Selected and special committees are also set up to do research and report to the Senate on ageing, ethics, Indian affairs and intelligence.
The smaller membership of the Senate allows for wider discussion than in the House of Representatives is customary. Three-fifths of the membership (60 Senators) must vote for cloture to monitor filibusters – lengthy debate that obstructs lawmaking. (In 2013, the rule of the Senate for invoking cloture was redefined to allow for majority voting cloture for debate on the presidential nominations, except than those before the Supreme Court. Similarly, in 2017, it was reinterpreted for nominations by the Supreme Court.) If the law being discussed changes the rules of the Senate, then cloture can be called only by a two-thirds vote of those present. The structure of party control in the Senate is less elaborate; the position adopted by powerful Senators can be greater than (if any) the position expressed by the party.
The constitutional criteria on qualifications for Senate membership specify a minimum age of 30 years of age, nine-year US citizenship and the domicile in the country from where they are elected.
Political science, systematic management study using empirical and usually scientific analytical methodologies. Political science examines the state and its organs and institutions as traditionally defined and researched. The present field, however, is far wider, including studies of all sociological, cultural and psychological elements that affect the functioning of government and the political body.
Although political science borrows considerably from other societies, its concentration on power—defined as one political agent’s ability to get a different actor to do what he wants—is distinguished from others at the international, national and local levels. Political science is commonly used in the single, however in French and Spanish the plural (political sciences and political sciences respectively) is used, presumably a reflection of the eclectic nature of the study. Although political science significantly overlaps with political philosophy, the two areas are separate. Political philosophy primarily concerns political concepts and principles such as rights, justice, freedom and political responsibility (whether or not individuals obey a political authority); it is normative in its approach (i.e. it deals with what should instead of what is) and logical in its approach. Political science, by contrast, investigates the institutions and behaviours, favours the descriptive over the normative and develops or draws conclusions based on empirical observations articulated in quantitative terms as much as feasible.
Although, like all modern sciences, political science involves empirical research, it generally does not generate accurate measurements and forecasts. This led some researchers to wonder whether the study can be represented appropriately as a science. But if the term science relates to any body of knowledge that is systematically organised based on data determined by empirical methods and measured as much as the material allows, political science is science, as it is in the other social fields. Thomas S. Kuhn contended, in the 1960s, that political science was “pre-paradigmatic,” that basic research paradigms had not been defined, such as the periodic table defining chemistry. Political science will probably never establish a single, universal paradigm or theory. This has seldom lasted more than a generation, making politics a discipline of a lot of trends but few masterpieces.
Modern political science universities (alternatively referred to as government or politics in some institutions) are generally organised into multiple areas, each containing different subject areas.
In his influential Two Treaties on Civil Government (1690), British philosopher Jon Locke (1632–1704), who also saw turmoil during a British civil war — the Glorious Revolution (1688–89) — argued that governments are made by a social contract to preserve the inalienable natural rights to ‘life, freedom and property.’ He also claimed that any government that does not guarantee its inhabitants’ natural rights could be rightfully toppled. The opinions of Locke were a strong force in the intellectual life of 18th century colonial America and created the philosophic basis of the American independence declaration (1776), many of which had a good knowledge of Locke’s writings, especially Thomas Jefferson (1743–26).
Political analyses of ancient cultures arose in writings of numerous intellectuals, like Confucius (551–479 BCE) in China and Kautilya (300 BCE thrived) in India. The historian Ibn Khaldūn’s writings (1332–1406) in North Africa affected tremendously the study of politics in the realm of Arabic. But the most comprehensive policy explanation has been in the West. Some have recognised Plato (428/427–348/347 BC), the first political scientist who, while most view Aristotle (384–322 BCE), who incorporated empirical observation into the politics study, as the genuine founder of discipline, since the ideal of a stable republic still provides insights and analogies.
Aristotle’s pupils have collected descriptions of 158 city-states in Greece, which Aristotle utilised to develop his renowned six-fold type of political systems. He classified political systems by the number of people in power (one, few or many) and by whether this form was legitimate (rulers in everybody’s interests) or corrupt (rulers governing in their own interests).
Senate of the United States, one of the two houses of the US Congress, created under the Constitution in 1789.Around one-third of the membership of the Senate expires every two years, earning the room the so-called ‘house which never dies.’
The Founding Fathers conceived the job of the Senate as a test of the popularly elected House of Representatives. Each state is thereby equally represented, irrespective of the size or population.
Under the provisions of ‘advice and consent’ (Article II, section 2) of the Constitution, the Senate is given significant power: ratification requires a two-thirds majority of all Senators present and a simple majority for the approval of important public appointments, such as cabinet members, ambassadors and judges of the Supreme Court. The Senate also adjudicates the process of impeachment launched at the House of Representatives, which requires a two thirds majority to be condemned.
Legitimate systems included monarchy (regulation one at a time), aristocracy (regulation by few) and politics (regulation by many), but the comparable kinds of corruption were tyranny, oligarchy and democracy. Aristotle saw democracy as the worst type of governance, but it indicated mass rule in his taxonomy. In current words, the best form of governance, a policy, is similar to an efficient, stable democracy. Aristotle has noticed that if the middle class is large, a political system works best, a notion verified by recent empirical discoveries. The classification of Aristotle lasted for centuries and continues to be useful in understanding political systems.
Plato and Aristotle focused on the improvement of polis, a small political entity, both society and political system for the Greeks. Aristoteles’ student Alexander the Great (336-323 BCE) conquest of the Mediterranean, and beyond and after his death his empire’s split among his generals created great new political formations, in which society and the political system became a different body. This transition requires a new political understanding. Hellenistic thinkers, and particularly the Stoics in particular, affirmed that a natural law applied equally to all human beings was the root of Roman legalism and Christian concepts of equity (see Stoicism). The Roman orator, Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 BCE), who was heavily influenced by the Stoics, was therefore significant because of his conviction that, whatever their richness or citizenship, all human beings had equal moral value.
Early Christian theologians, such as St Augustine (354-430), stressed Christians’ dual loyalty to God and to the temporal ruler, with the strong indication of the importance and durability of the “heavenly city” over the world. Another-world hatred for politicians came with this. The knowledge of Aristotle was lost to Europe for eight hundred years, while being retained by Arab philosophers like al-Fārābī (c. 878–c. 950) and Averroes (1126–1198). After about 1200, translations of Aristotle into Spain under the Moors reinvigorated European thinking. St. Thomas of Aquinas Christianized the politics of Aristoteles to give it moral purpose.
(1224/25–1274) Aquinas derived from Aristotle the idea that people are rational and social, that states emerge naturally, and that governance can spiritually develop people. Aquinas therefore favoured monarchy but disregarded tyranny, stating that royal authority was restricted by law and employed for the common benefit. In De Monarchia (c. 1313; On Monarchy) the Italian poet and philosopher Dante (1265–1321) advocated in favour of a single world government. Simultaneously, in Defensor Pacis (1324; “Defender of peace”) Philosopher Marsilius of Padua (c. 1280-c. 1343) introduced secularisation by increasing the state over the church as the author of laws. In this regard, as well as in suggesting the election of legislators, Marsilius is an essential modernizer.
Italian author Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527) was the first contemporary political scientist. His infamous oeuvre, The Prince (1531), a treatise originally devoted to the king of Florence, Lorenzo di Piero de’ Medici, offered the actual and supposed princes amoral guidance on the best means to acquire and hold political power. The political philosophy of Machiavelli, which concluded Marsilius’s secularisation of politics, was founded on reason rather than faith. Machiavelli, an early Italian patriot, thought that Italy could be united and that her foreign occupants could only be removed by ruthless kings who disregarded any moral restrictions on their power. Machiavelli presented a modern idea of power—how to gain it and how to use it—as the heart of politics, a perspective echoed by “realists,” theorists for rational choices, and others in today’s international relations. Thus Machiavelli is a founder of political science with Aristotle.
Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), English philosopher, similarly put power at the centre of his political philosophy. In Leviathan; or, The matter of a Commonwealth, Ecclesiastical and Civil (1651), completed near the end of the English Civil Wars (1642–51), without any reference to an omnipotence of a God, Hobbes described how humanity is driven by the fear of violence of death into a civic society and is subjected to the law of self-preservation but living in anarchic state of nature.
In his influential Two Treaties on Civil Government (1690), British philosopher Jon Locke (1632–1704), who also saw turmoil during a British civil war — the Glorious Revolution (1688–89) — argued that governments are made by a social contract to preserve the inalienable natural rights to ‘life, freedom and property.’ He also claimed that any government that does not guarantee its inhabitants’ natural rights could be rightfully toppled. The opinions of Locke were a strong force in the intellectual life of 18th century colonial America and created the philosophic basis of the American independence declaration (1776), many of which had a good knowledge of Locke’s writings, especially Thomas Jefferson (1743–26).
If Hobbes was the “contractualists”‘ conservative and Locke was the liberal, then Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) was the French philosopher the radical. The Social Contract of Rousseau (1762) builds a civil society wherein the independent wills of individuals are united to govern as the “general will” of the collective that overrides individual will “forces a man to be free.” The French revolutionaries, and later totalitarians, adopted Rousseau’s extreme vision, which perverted many of his intellectual principles.
(1)Full Name: Mike Rounds
(2)Nickname: Mike Rounds
(3)Born: 24 October 1954
(4)Father: Joyce Rounds
(5)Mother: Don Rounds
(6)Sister: Not Available
(7)Brother: Not Available
(8)Marital Status: Married
(9)Profession: Politician and Businessman
(10)Birth Sign: Scorpio
(11)Nationality: American
(12)Religion: Not Available
(13)Height: Not Available
(14)School: Not Available
(15)Highest Qualifications: Not Available
(16)Hobbies: Not Available
(17)Address: Huron, South, Dakota, U.S
(18)Contact Number: (202) 224-5842
(19)Email ID: Not Available
(20)Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/SenatorMikeRounds
(21)Twitter: https://twitter.com/RoundsforSenate
(22)Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/senatorrounds/
(23)Youtube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC-pvzimyBdpdkcIfsicrfrQ
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